Author: Tom Darby

Up in the silver-choked hills of Virginia City, where the ghosts of rough men still whisper through the saloon doors and ladies in hoop skirts rustle softly through time, a most peculiar tale has settled like dust over C Street. It concerns the Miller family—Gary, Janis, and their daughter Tiffany—and a courthouse that seems more inclined to tarry than to try.

Once more, and not for the first time, the wheels of justice in Storey County have hit a rut, skidding into a ditch marked “Stay of Proceedings.” For those unfamiliar with legal mumbo-jumbo, the court hearing slated for the first of May got shelved again as if it were yesterday’s sourdough bread–not quite stale, but best left to sit.

The Millers, you see, have found themselves tangled in the barbed wire of public accusation following a clash last summer with a fellow named Ricky Johnson, who was out illegally collecting signatures because he had no permit for some civic purpose during Virginia City’s annual Hot August Nights celebration.

Mr. Johnson tells it like this–he claims that Gary Miller hurled the most dreadful slur known to the English tongue and went on to invoke lynching imagery fit to make a buzzard blush. A video of this row–clipped and posted with the slick editing of a modern witch trial—made its rounds on TikTok, which, for those of you uninitiated, is a sort of gallows stage where reputations go to perish in sixty seconds or less.

In the video, Gary Miller gets baited into repeating a statement about a “hanging tree,” which he promptly redirects into the realm of absurdity by claiming the tree was in Johnson’s yard. Janis, like any wife worth her salt, reached out to shoo the man away–no more than a mother might shoo flies off her pie–but that, too, was called “assault.” Their daughter, Tiffany, faces a charge for the grave offense of irritating a peace officer–a task in Storey County that ain’t hard, as anyone who’s tried to park a mule without a permit can attest.

Let us be plain about one thing–the Millers did not issue one racial slur. They did not assault Mr. Johnson. They are not villains, nor were they drunk on malice. They are a Nevada family now caught in the crosshairs of something far more dangerous than bigotry–political ambition.

Storey County District Attorney Anne Langer, it appears, has taken up the cause with a kind of zeal not often seen since the witch-hunting days of Salem, and her banner is flying high beneath that of Attorney General Aaron Ford. Why, one might ask? Some say it’s justice. Others say it’s politics, that the case is less about facts and more about optics–about appeasing the louder voices in Carson City, who’d rather condemn on social media than consider evidence in court.

Even Governor Joe Lombardo chimed in, quick to denounce the Millers before the ink was dry on an affidavit. And the Hot August Nights organizers? They banned the Millers for life, throwing them under the bus with the same speed and grace a poker cheat might get tossed out of the Bucket of Blood Saloon.

Don’t misunderstand–I’ve seen true ugliness in this world, and I’d never pen a word to defend it. But what happened in Virginia City is less like justice and more like theater–a stage play performed for a digital mob, with the truth buried under a million views.

So here we are, with the Millers still waiting, the court continues stalling, and the law turning slow as molasses in a January frost. If there’s one thing Virginia City has always had a nose for–it’s gold dust and scapegoats—and it’s starting to look like the Millers struck both.

One might wonder when the facts will get their day in court and whether truth still matters in a world where perception is currency. Until then, the Millers remain in limbo, convicted not by a jury but by a touchscreen.

It’s been a couple of lively nights here in the proud old belly of Nevada—though “lively” ain’t the sort of word that sits too comfortably next to gunpowder and death. But truth be told, the hills are whisperin’, and the saloons are buzzin’ with word of not one, but two men who met their end not by cholera or old age but by the kind of modern death meted out at the barrel of a pistol.

First up was Carson City’s little ballad of blood and regret. On the night of April 30, the good and god-fearing folk of Telegraph Street got roused by the unholy crack of gunfire just before ten bells.

A feller named De Lecs Smith, age 26—young enough to know better and old enough to do worse—found himself exchanging harsh words with a man born in August ‘78. Whether it was over women, whiskey, or wounded pride–nobody rightly knows, but what’s known is this–the two took their disagreement out into the street, and only one of ‘em walked away.

Smith, not inclined to hang around for the law to offer its opinion, took off—but didn’t get far. Somewhere in an hour, his conscience or cowardice caught up with him, and he dialed up the 9-1-1 Center like a man late to his reckoning. The deputies scooped him up before the night was over, and now he sits in a cell without bail, accused of open murder, battery with a deadly weapon, and carrying a concealed piece without a paper to say he could.

The victim’s name ain’t released—perhaps out of respect, or the family’s still being notified—but his story’s already written in chalk and sorrow on Telegraph Street.

If that wasn’t enough, Reno—proud sister city to Carson and just as capable of nighttime mischief—saw a bloodletting less than 24 hours later. On the First of May, just as the sun was thinking about tucking in behind the Sierras, gunshots rang out in front of the Silver Legacy Resort Hotel and Casino. That’s right–bullets flew where once coins clinked, and a man fell dead right outside the circus-colored doors of Lady Luck’s palace.

Reno police responded with haste, but the shooter–like a ghost was gone before they got there. No name for the victim, no name for the suspect, and no answer to that age-old question–what drives a man to shoot another down in the very heart of town?

The law says there’s no danger to the rest of us, but if you ask me, any time men start solving disputes with sidearms–danger ain’t far off. So hold your kin close, keep your temper checked, and maybe think twice before offering insult over a poker hand or a strong drink.

Now, friends, if you’ve ever eyed a map of Nevada, you’ll notice that Henderson is not within hollerin’ distance of the state capital. No, it’s a long hitch from Carson City, and one might reckon that to make the journey, you’d either need a stout horse, a strong will, or a political reason mighty important. As it turns out, Governor Joe Lombardo had just such a reason when he saddled up and rode down to Pinecrest Academy Sloan Canyon—a charter school nestled deep in the southern desert, far from the legislative lamp-posts of Carson.

The Governor came bearing a bill to overhaul Nevada’s ailing education system—an enterprise that has shown more spirit than structure. The “Nevada Accountability in Education Act,” as it’s so grandly named, is a kind of medicine meant to cure what ails the Silver State’s schools, and, judging from the figures tossed around, the patient is in a bad way.

Mr. Lombardo’s proposal is as wide-ranging as a prairie horizon. It aims to raise student performance, flatten funding inequities, and give troubled schools a proper shaking by the collar.

“We’re going to measure results,” the Governor said, with a tone that suggested the days of blind hope and soft grading were drawing to a close.

His plan includes restructuring school boards, transferring school control to local governments if needed, and doling out surplus state funds like biscuits at a barn-raising—provided folks are willing to work for ’em. Still, it speaks nothing to the act of teaching.

Now, don’t mistake this for empty talk. The Governor means to put coins behind the curtain. With a $2.3 billion commitment to the cause and a $30 million pot for rewarding high-performing teachers and administrators, Lombardo seems set to back up his promises with proper pay. There’s also a plan for “open enrollment,” which, to the uninitiated, means parents can shuffle their children away from schools that teach arithmetic like it’s witchcraft and into ones where a pupil might learn something before graduation.

Dr. Steve Canavero, the interim state superintendent and likely a man with more graphs than gray hairs, explained that our eighth-graders are battling arithmetic like it’s a foreign invader—only 23.7 percent are proficient in math. Reading ain’t much better, and the students who took a beating during the pandemic are still trying to stand upright.

“Systemic issue,” he called it, a polite way of saying the whole shebang’s been sagging for some time.

But the plan doesn’t stop at charts and cash. It also offers something educators might like–legal immunity when they step in to break up student scuffles. Teachers, at long last, may defend one child from another without fearing a suit into early retirement.

Still, the bill hasn’t even cleared the Legislative Council Bureau, and no one knows what the final tab will be. Lombardo acknowledged as much and declared it’s high time we hold the system itself to the lofty standards we keep foisting on our children and teachers.

In sum, the Governor brought his big ideas a long way south to a town that usually sees more sun than statecraft. Whether this bill gallops through the Legislature like a Mustang or gets stuck in the mud like a stagecoach in a spring thaw remains to be seen.

But one thing’s certain—when a Governor rides far from the capital to talk schoolbooks and statistics, he either means business or needs the scenery.

We bring you this tale hoping to class up the joint for once

Here’s a turn of events that’ll make your Aunt Bessie drop her knitting needles and sit up straight–Prince Harry, the Duke of Sussex himself, is expected to descend upon the shining mirage that is Las Vegas–though this time, by all accounts, he aims to leave his trousers on.

According to a smattering of excited British media reports—who know more about the comings and goings of royalty than a valet with a drinking problem–the wandering prince will be at ServiceNow’s Knowledge 2025 conference on Tuesday, May 6. Yes, you heard right–a tech-and-business shindig held at the Venetian and Wynn Resorts, with twenty-thousand sharp-dressed techies buzzing about like flies at a county pie contest.

The prince, who has traded in royal duties for podcast microphones and Californian sunshine, is now hitching his name to a new youth leadership initiative tied to the Diana Award–a noble endeavor in memory of his mother, the late and much-adored Princess Diana. He’ll join a panel with two Legacy Award winners, fine young folks with enough gumption and forward-thinking to make your average duke blush with admiration.

Notably, and perhaps mercifully for the harried conference planners, the duchess Meghan Markle will not be with Harry. It is just as well, considering that every time she steps off a plane, half the world’s internet catches fire with opinions no one asked for.

It’d be dishonest to mention the Duke’s upcoming visit without recalling his last gallop through Las Vegas in 2012 when a lively game of strip billiards left him as unclothed as the Nevada desert at high noon. This time, however, he’s swapped out the pool cues and paparazzi for microphones and a moral purpose.

For those seeking a more tasteful brush with royalty, Las Vegas did get a touch of class in 2022 with the opening of the Princess Diana & the Royals exhibit at The Shops at Crystals. It’s a quieter, more reverent affair—and nary a billiards table in sight.

So, if you find yourself in Las Vegas next week and hear a charming British accent discussing leadership, legacy, and a better tomorrow, don’t be alarmed–it’s just the Duke of Sussex trying to make good on his mother’s legacy, class up the joint, and–one hopes–keep his britches where they belong.

There is no great appetite in this world for tales about breast pumps and bureaucracy, but if there is a story worth milking, it’s this one.

When Miss Patricia Orellana set out to do one of the most natural and noble things—feed her baby—she got tangled not in swaddling but in the tight and binding red tape of higher education. She worked as a graduate assistant at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas (UNLV), a fine institution best known for denying students a refrigerator for their breast milk but offering plenty of cold shoulders in return.

Patricia, God bless her, had done the hard part already—she grew a whole human, brought it into this world via cesarean section (which I understand is Latin for ouch), and returned to work six weeks later because America has the kind of maternity policy you’d expect from a goat rodeo.

At first, she had a hybrid schedule—some work from home, some at the office. Then her supervisor decided, for reasons known only to Heaven and Human Resources, that hybrid was out and in-person was in, like powdered wigs or the Black Death.

Patricia needed to pump milk for her child, which is not a leisure activity, though you’d think she was asking for time off to attend a gold-digging convention in Reno, the way folks responded. She asked for a place to store her milk. They suggested, “Buy a fridge.” She asked for time to pump. They said, “Fine, but you gotta make it up.” Make it up? What is this, breast milk penance?

As a simple man who once watched a cat chase its tail for thirty minutes, even I know a mother with a breast pump in one hand and a ticking clock in the other is not being “accommodated.” That’s not workplace flexibility—it’s maternal Hunger Games.

When she tried to clean her pump parts, she had to battle automatic sinks, which, as anyone knows, are marvels of modern inconvenience. It’s hard enough to rinse your hands under those jumpy laser spigots, let alone machinery.

At one point, they told her to move to a front office with no electrical outlet. That’s like inviting a man to fish and taking away the lake. Or, in her case, the pump, the privacy, and the plug.

Eventually, like many before her who dared to lactate in public, she quit. The Title IX office poked at the situation with a stick and declared it dead on arrival. There’s no discrimination here, they said–probably while sitting near an outlet with a fridge.

Meanwhile, in Carson City, Assemblywoman Cecelia González, herself a new mother, introduced AB266 to protect breastfeeding mothers. It is the part where Hope waddles in, wearing diapers and a sash that says Better Late Than Never.

The bill, among other sensible things, suggests mothers shouldn’t have to play hide-and-seek with their dignity to feed a baby. It proposes lawsuits for violators and education for the confused. It even encourages public awareness campaigns because nothing helps the cause like a billboard that says, “Breast Milk: It’s Not a Crime.”

Miss González herself once found American hospitals so skittish about breastfeeding that she was nearly scared into using baby formula by a doctor threatening her with a feeding tube. “Want your baby to eat or not?” is not the soft touch of maternal counsel.

Now, in the kindest of endings, one noble dean at UNLV gave Patricia a job as a research assistant working from home, studying the very problems she lived through. That’s poetic justice—if poetry came with a benefits package. Unfortunately, the job runs out of money this summer because the milk of human kindness has a budget cap.

Still, Patricia marches on. She’s earning not one but two master’s degrees, making her one of the most educated, underpaid milkmaids the country’s ever seen.

And that, dear reader, is the tale. It’s about a woman trying to nourish a baby and getting met with a wall of bureaucracy so dense it could block sunlight. But she didn’t stop. She just picked up her pump and kept going. That’s the kind of gumption I like to see—especially in a world so determined to squeeze the life out of anyone trying to do something decent.

So here’s to Patricia. And here’s to any mother who’s fought for the right to be what nature already made her. And if this story don’t inspire change, at least let it inspire a laugh—because if we don’t laugh at the absurdity of it all, we might cry into our formula.

Out here, where the sun scorches straight through your hat–and rattlesnakes outnumber Republicans by a whisper, there’s been a curious development in the affairs of our gallant Nevada State Police.

Col. Patrick Conmay, with half a century of chasing scoundrels under his belt, and Lt. Col. Martin Mleczko, no greenhorn himself—have hung up their badges. The former, likely tired of dust, danger, and being underpaid, may be ready to find a place where his boots won’t need resoling every other week.

Governor Joe Lombardo—who has all the confidence in the world in the tooth fairy, too—assures us the leadership is as sound as a silver dollar. And I believe him. It’s not the captain that’s sunk the ship, but the wages that won’t float a canoe.

The Nevada State Police, formerly known as the Nevada Highway Patrol, or as some still call it, “those fellas with the lights and the ticket books,” are trying to keep the peace with a workforce about as brimming as a dry well in July. They’ve got 218 troopers standing post when the budget allows for 392. That’s nearly half a force missing in action—and not for lack of leadership, but for lack of something that makes men rise early and risk their hides: decent pay and benefits.

Recruitment, they say, is improving. That’s good. But what use is a fresh recruit if they see the salary and choose parole and probation instead—less roadkill, fewer speeding bullets, and maybe even a coffee break? Ask a trooper to ride shot-gun across hundreds of desert miles for the same coin a casino security guard pockets, and you’ll hear the answer on the wind: “Not today.”

Legislators fiddled with raises last session—Senate Bill 440 gave the boys and girls a bit of a bump. But this time around, with the budget tighter than a rusted mule gate and federal dollars drying up faster than a sagebrush puddle, the Governor says more raises are unlikely. That’s a curious way of rewarding the few who still show up to patrol our lawless interstates and desolate towns.

Let’s speak plain, as any man who’s stared down both the barrel of a gun and the barrel of a legislative budget, this ain’t a crisis of command. It’s in the pockets of the men, which are empty. And no amount of titles, rebrands, or political speeches will fill them.

Want more troopers? Pay them as if they matter. Otherwise, the only thing patrolling our roads will be tumbleweeds and free-range horses.

Well now, on the first day of May in the Year of Our Lord 2025, while most honest folks were worrying over spring plantings or checking their kin for sunburn, the high-and-mighty Nevada Economic Forum stepped forth and declared—without so much as a cough to soften the blow—that the state’s treasure chest would be $191 million lighter than expected. That’s what the old-timers call a “financial comeuppance,” and what the young folks call “uh-oh.”

It ain’t just a minor miscount of pennies. Nope, it’s the first time since that scoundrel of a year, 2009—when the Great Recession had us all trading gold for turnips—that the bean counters in Carson City have dared to revise their revenue guesses downward. It don’t take a Harvard economist to know that when money men start erasing, we best start tightening our belts.

Nevada’s mighty engines—tourism, real estate, restaurants, and roulette wheels—have all taken to sputtering. The great machine that is Sin City is huffing and puffing, but the power’s runnin’ low. Folks ain’t spending like they used to, and the state’s tax man, who once danced in revenue like a pig in mud, now finds himself picking nickels out of the gutter.

The hardest hit? The State Education Fund, poor soul. She’s now short a whopping $160 million on top of what was already missing—a $350 million hole so deep it’d give a prospector vertigo. That means the legislature’s in a bind–do they ax programs, stiff the teachers, or turn to that most loathsome of shovels—the tax hike?

When times were fat and the treasury bloated like a bullfrog in spring, the wise thing would’ve been to stash a little more in the barn. But, instead, the powers-that-be danced and spent, patted themselves on the back, and talked of “investments” like a drunkard talking about savings bonds.

Well, the music stopped. And now it’s time to pay the fiddler.

The common soul might rightly say–this ain’t a revenue problem—it’s a spending problem. If a man can’t balance his books when the cupboard’s stocked, he’ll be drowning in debt when it’s bare. The same goes for the government. Nevada families have long known how to stretch a dollar. Seems like it’s high time the folks in Carson City learned the same.

And sure, there’s a Rainy Day Fund on the shelf, fat and warm like a pie cooling in the window. But don’t go grabbing it just yet. That pie was baked for a storm—not for a drizzle. And if we spend it now, what’ll we do when the thunder rolls?

So here’s the rub–the sky’s dimming, the coffers shrinking, and lawmakers must choose. Cut the fluff, keep the lights on in the schoolhouse, and let every bureaucrat prove their worth—or turn to taxes and dig the hole deeper.

Let this moment be a lesson carved in granite–you can’t build a government on wishful thinking and tourist tips. You need prudence, grit, and the good sense God gave a mule. Cut the waste, mind the purse, and for heaven’s sake—stop punishing the working man for the sins of his legislators.

In short, Nevada needs less showboating and more shoe leather. And that, dear reader, is the long and short of it.

It appears while the great gambling halls of the Silver State tried to keep Lady Luck in a headlock, she slipped free, kicked the Strip in the shins, and skipped off toward the high desert hills of Carson City—where fortunes may be modest, but at least they’re headed in the right direction.

While the big boys down on Las Vegas Boulevard lit cigars with December’s record winnings and talked Super Bowls and F1 races like they were prophets of prosperity, March came around and said–“Not so fast.” Statewide, gaming revenue tumbled 1.11 percent like a drunk tourist off a barstool, and the Strip—poor thing—lost nearly five percent. You could hear the sobbing of baccarat tables from Primm to Mesquite.

But in Carson City, where casinos wear less flash but more grit, revenue crept up 2.61 percent like a cat who knows where the cream’s hidden. Eleven and a half million dollars ain’t a mountain of gold, but it sure beats tumbling into the red. Gardnerville, Minden, and the untroubled corners of Douglas County, excluding South Shore Lake Tahoe, which slipped a whopping 7.16 percent, all joined the parade of modest success.

They’re whooping and hollering in Reno with a near 11 percent increase. Sparks saw a gentle 1.94 percent lift, and Washoe County grew nearly seven percent. It’s enough to make someone wonder if the future of Nevada gaming lies not in pyramids and volcanoes but in the old-fashioned gaming halls of real Nevadans.

Meanwhile, downtown Las Vegas had a banner month, up more than 11 percent. The Boulder Strip held its own, too. But make no mistake–with visitor numbers down nearly eight percent, baccarat losses down over 34 percent, and room counts disappearing faster than poker chips in a backroom game, the Big Show is starting to look like a tired magician—out of tricks and long on stories.

You see, the high-rolling hayride of December can only carry a state so far. The Tropicana is now rubble, The Mirage is snoozing, and the tourists are staying home or headed to Oklahoma. When a $1.27 billion gaming win gets shrugged off as “meh,” we’ve reached a point where winning ain’t enough—it must be historic, or it might as well be a loss.

So I ask you, Nevada–do you feel lucky, punk? Because the dice are still rolling, the baccarat shoes are still dealing, and the slots never sleep—but the bloom might be off the rose, and she ain’t coming back without a fight.

While I don’t claim to know all the goings-on in Carson City, it seems to me Nevada’s a Secretary of State who’s got one foot in the Silver State and the other already boarding a train for Washington. Cisco Aguila has been named the new chair of the Democratic Association of Secretaries of State, or DASS, a club of like-minded office-holders intent on shaping how the nation votes, one battleground at a time.

You might say, “Well, that sounds mighty important,” and you’d be right.

But when a man’s chimney’s belching smoke and the roof’s leaking, you don’t expect him to spend his days patching other folks’ houses. Aguilar’s office, mind you, has more than a few creaks and rattles.

But, now he’s taken on the responsibility of steering national strategy for a party-funded group that spent millions getting folks like him elected. One might wonder–is gratitude, ambition, or obligation calling the tune? Whatever it is, it’s loud enough to carry beyond the Nevada line.

Mr. Aguilar took office in January of 2023 after besting Republican Jim Marchant by a whisker—just 2.4 percent of the vote. The little margin, however thin, was greased with heavy money and airwaves blanketed by an $11 million ad blitz thanks to DASS and its stable of left-leaning partners.

With his term not even halfway done, Aguilar’s taken up the national reins while his own stable’s got some broken boards.

Politics, like poker, is judged not by the tale you tell but by the hand you play. And the hands being dealt in Nevada’s election office lately haven’t inspired confidence. There’s been a lawsuit over neglected voter rolls, claims that the Secretary has failed to properly clean the list of names clogging up the books—a charge he’s shrugged off as meritless.

Then came the website glitch in 2024, showing mail-in ballots submitted by voters who swore they’d done no such thing. Add to that a molasses-slow ballot count in Clark County, with 54,000 mail ballots dropped off on Election Day but not reported until two days later, and you’ve got a stew thick with questions.

As if that weren’t enough to gum up the gears, Mr. Aguilar and his team are now pushing to expand a federal military voting law (UOCAVA) for civilians to email in ballots without a doctor’s note or a boarding pass to back their absence. Experts—folks who know a thing or two about cybersecurity—have been waving red flags about the dangers of internet voting since the idea first came down the pike, but Aguilar says the system’s secure enough. That sounds like the final words before a stagecoach robbery.

Now, let’s gander at what’s going on in the legislature. One bill after another seems aimed at expanding the Secretary’s reach like a man digging his well into the neighbor’s pasture. Proposals would allow Aguilar to fire elected County Clerks, demand near-instant reports, and create slush funds without oversight. There’s even talk of narrowing the rules on voter challenges so tightly that if a ghost voted in your name, you’d still need an affidavit from the grave to stop it.

Nevada law is clear. County Clerks get elected by the people and don’t report to the Secretary of State. But you wouldn’t know it by reading the latest crop of bills. It’s as if the legislature’s building a castle for Aguilar brick by brick while the townsfolk below wonder why their voices echo so faintly.

Meanwhile, the same Secretary now chairs DASS—a national group opposed to Voter ID–despite Nevadans passing it handily in 2024– throws its weight against the SAVE Act requiring proof of citizenship to vote and paints any federal move to clean up elections as a “blatant attack.” Aguilar echoed that sentiment, lambasting President Trump’s executive order on elections with more heat than light.

And therein lies the rub. While Nevada voters wrestle with delayed ballots, database errors, and legislative overreach, their top election official is now steering the ship for Democrats nationwide. He’ll be shaping policy far and wide while being shaped by the same national party that helped lift him into office. It’s a fine line between leading and being led—and Nevadans have every right to wonder which side of that line he stands on.

As one federal official rightly said, “Americans deserve to have confidence in their elections.” And that confidence comes not from TV ads or slick messaging but from transparency, accountability, and a firm handshake with the truth.

Time will tell if Cisco Aguilar can wear both hats—the one he doffs in Nevada and the one he accepted in Washington. But for now, some folks are left scratching their heads, watching the man ride off to fix other state’s elections while their horse stands lame in the livery.

If you wandered past the Reno Federal Building on May Day with no particular aim, you might’ve thought the world was ending. Folks were red in the face, shouting into bullhorns like salvation depended on the volume and waving signs so fresh off the printer they still smelled like ink. Orchestrated by Indivisible Northern Nevada, which takes its name quite seriously— judging by the chatter, they’d sooner divide the nation six ways from Sunday if it meant a few more government programs and one less deportation officer.

It wasn’t the biggest crowd you ever saw—not unless you count the pigeons—but what they lacked in numbers, they made in theatrical outrage. If you’d taken a drink every time someone hollered “authoritarian,” you’d have been carried home in a wheelbarrow before noon. According to the speakers, Trump was the second coming of Mussolini, capitalism was the devil’s playground, and the weather would probably clear up if we just taxed the rich a little more.

A few sensible voices tried to speak on behalf of legal immigrant workers—folks who fill out forms, stand in lines, and try to follow the rules—but their message was like a flute solo at a brass band parade. Drowned out, that is, by demands that sounded like they’d fallen out of a Bernie Sanders diary during a fever dream. Amnesty for all, free health care, rent control, green jobs for everyone, and abolishing ICE—because clearly, nothing says national security like tearing down the fences and telling the guards to go home.

In Vegas, the spectacle had more sparkle but no less nonsense. The Culinary Union linked arms with the Nevada Immigrant Coalition and a buffet of other organizations so loaded with acronyms you’d need a glossary to keep up. They called it a “Day of Action,” which is protest-speak for “shut down the busiest streets in town and make life miserable for tourists.”

Las Vegas Boulevard and Flamingo Road, two arteries of commerce and chaos, were clogged tighter than a Nevada buffet line on lobster night. Megaphones barked, cabs honked, and above rang the refrain, “Immigrants are essential!” It’s a sentiment as vague as it was loud. Never mind that legal immigrants were likely the only ones present who had filled out the paperwork these very groups now insisted we should throw out.

Of course, the headliner was President Trump—blamed for mass deportations that, historically speaking, weren’t quite as “mass” as Obama’s—but again, facts at these things are as unwelcome as a cold caller at dinnertime. One union rep held up a sign declaring “No One Is Illegal,” conveniently ignoring that the legal immigration process hinges on the concept of legality.

To their credit, some attendees earnestly believed in what they were marching for. They want fairness, opportunity, and a better life for people who come here with good intentions and an honest work ethic. But like a well-meaning preacher at a poker table, they were drowned out by louder voices demanding free everything and accountability from no one.

See, the trouble with these May Day rallies isn’t just the disruption, the slogans, or the traffic snarls. It’s that they pretend to speak for the working man while ignoring the one place you could find him that day–at work. The folks flipping burgers, fixing roofs, or trying to make rent by the skin of their teeth—weren’t waving signs. They were paying the taxes to fund all the handouts demanded in their name.

We have a deep appreciation for liberty and a healthy suspicion of anyone who wants to run your life “for your own good,” in Nevada. We believe in a fair shot, not a fixed game. We want secure borders, honest government, and schools that teach more arithmetic than activism.

So go ahead, protest all you like. Print your signs, chant your chants, block your boulevards. But don’t be surprised when the silent majority—who skipped the megaphones for an honest day’s work—answers you the old-fashioned way. At the ballot box. Where the slogans stop, and the citizens start making the rules.